The facts about vote-buying and the patronage system
By Chang Noi
The Nation, Thailand
Over the last couple of years, concern about vote-buying has been on the rise. The story goes like this. Voters upcountry are too poor and too poorly educated. Some sell their vote for cash on the spot. Others are victims of "the patronage system" and obey the instructions of a patron on how to vote in return for continuing patronage of various kinds.
The argument then continues: vote-buying and the patronage system mean that one-man/one-vote elections cannot work in Thailand. There needs to be some "Thai-style" alternative. This might be some corporatist method of representation such as the People's Alliance for Democracy proposed. It might mean diminishing the power of the elected Parliament, and returning more power to the bureaucracy.
According to legend, vote-buying began in spectacular fashion in Roi Et in 1981, engineered by people in the military. It then swelled over the following two decades. At election time, banks calculate massive rises in money circulation, and journalists love describing complex systems involving lotteries. A brilliant study done in Ayutthaya in the mid-1990s showed that monks, gunmen, and local officials were all deeply involved. Vote-buying is part of the political culture; of that there is little doubt.
But vote-buying is not a simple matter. The practice has been in place for a quarter-century. The number of elections has multiplied - for Parliament, Senate, municipality, provincial council, sub-district council, and so on. Thais have become some of the most experienced voters in the world. There has been a lot of learning about how to use the vote.
In the early history of Thai vote-buying, candidates thrust red notes into voters' hands in order to create an obligation. Once a voter had accepted the candidate's generosity, it would be bad manners not to repay that generosity when casting the vote. But this kind of naive transaction did not last long. By the mid-1990s, some voters would take money from every candidate, and then vote how they pleased. Others would only take from a candidate they had already decided to vote for, in order not to create an obligation.
Candidates still had to offer money. Not doing so would risk being branded as "ungenerous" and thus not worth electing. This was particularly true of candidates known to be rich. Vote-buying has thus become a bit like a candidate's deposit, distributed among the voters rather than paid to the authorities.
By the mid-1990s, vote negotiation had become much more complex than these simple retail transactions. Voters understood that candidates had the potential to offer much greater benefits than a few red notes. They could bring infrastructure spending and development projects with much more impact in the locality. Communities negotiated with candidates to promise scheme, and held them to their promises by the threat of withdrawing their vote at the next poll. Parliament created the "MPs fund" to enable sitting members to fulfil these promises. Lots of local infrastructure got built.
Since then, the system has shifted again. The 1997 constitution began a deliberate attempt to de-link this kind of local pork-barrel from national politics. The funding for local schemes has been substantially transferred from the national budget to local government. MPs have less influence on central-budget spending, and the MPs fund has disappeared. Elected provincial councils and municipalities now have big budgets. Many politicians have followed the money from national to local politics.
At the same time, the profile of the electorate has changed. The great 1986-1996 boom boosted incomes, and the 1997 bust only temporarily knocked them back. The expansion of secondary education in the 1980s began to work through to the electorate.
Then Thaksin changed the game in national politics. He promised some attractive re-distributive schemes, and delivered them. He centralised control over a fifth of the budget under his own executive authority, and toured the country dishing this out. The party and the prime minister became more important patrons than the local MP. Although the 2007 Constitution has reversed some of this change, the memory still dominates.
In the last couple of years, there have been studies of election practice in the North, Northeast, and South. The decision on casting a vote is now very complex and involves the party, the candidate, and the money. In the South, voters feel a strong emotional pull to vote Democrat. In the North and Northeast, Thaksin's schemes have created a strong pull towards the People Power Party/Thai Rak Thai. Yet the candidate also undergoes scrutiny. Is he a local person, someone close to us? Can he get things done, and does he have the track record to prove it? Is he reasonably honest? Does he have the right kind of friends? Finally, does he prove his generosity with a gift? Only candidates known to have modest wealth are excused this obligation, yet can still be elected on grounds of their social contribution.
At the recent poll, there did not seem to be much money around. After three elections in three years, pockets were empty. Candidates feared disqualification. The issue at stake in the poll was so stark, that a few hundred baht was not likely to matter.
So why the current panic about vote-buying? The upcountry electorate is richer, better educated, and more experienced at elections than ever before. In truth, the problem is not that upcountry voters don't know how to use their vote, and that the result is distorted by patronage and vote-buying. The problem is that they have learnt to use the vote only too well. Over four national polls, they have chosen very consistently and very rationally.
And, of course, that may be the real problem. Back when many upcountry electors sold their votes, and as a result their weight in national politics was zero, nobody cared so much about vote-buying. But now the electors have got smart, they have to be stopped. The bleating about vote-buying and patronage politics is simply an attempt to undermine electoral democracy because it seems to be working.
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Showing posts with label Travel News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Travel News. Show all posts
Saturday, September 6, 2008
News : Thai protesters enjoy free food, $3 massage
By JOCELYN GECKER,Associated Press Writer AP - Saturday, September 6
BANGKOK, Thailand - Once open only to the ruling elite, Thailand's stately Government House has turned into a cross between a refugee camp and a village fairground.
Thousands of anti-government protesters occupying the prime minister's office compound have set up a tent city complete with free food, outdoor showers, entertainment, massages and lots of manicured shrubs for hanging laundry to dry.
The siege, in its 11th day Friday, is aimed at forcing Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej to resign. The demonstrators have not succeeded in kicking him out of office, but they have kept him out his office.
To ease the kinks caused by round-the-clock protesting, massage services are available under the shade of palm trees for $3 an hour.
In a live radio broadcast Thursday, Samak called the situation a national embarrassment and refused to step down _ drawing boos and jeers from thousands of protesters fanning themselves on lawn chairs outside his office.
"I am outside and can't work properly," Samak said, his speech broadcast from a sound stage set up on the Government House lawn.
Samak initially based himself at a military headquarters outside Bangkok, but his aides say he has lately worked from an office at the Defense Ministry.
"Is it shameful? Yes, it is," Samak said.
Still, authorities have been reluctant to use force against the crowd for fear they will be denounced for sparking violence with the protesters, who have armed themselves with makeshift weapons and vowed to resist any attempt to remove them.
Also, violence, or the perception that it was imminent, could cause the military to stage a coup with the excuse that it was necessary to restore order, as it did in September 2006. It was demonstrations by the People's Alliance for Democracy, which is leading the current protest, that sparked the instability that led to the coup.
The new demonstration is built on the alliance's belief that Western-style democracy does not work for Thailand. It says the ballot box gives too much weight to the impoverished rural majority allegedly susceptible to vote buying that breeds corruption. It wants Parliament to be revamped so most lawmakers would be appointed rather than elected.
The protest has caused one of the biggest political crises since Thailand became a constitutional monarchy in 1932. It is the first time in the country's history that civilians have overrun the seat of government.
Built in the early 20th century and modeled after a Venetian palace, the Gothic-style Government House is one of Bangkok's most distinguished buildings.
The alliance's security volunteers sit behind a barbed-wire barricade at the entrance, which is stacked with motorcycle helmets for protection and golf clubs, bamboo rods and rudimentary shields.
"Welcome! Would you like something to eat?" asked Pongping Kumna, a protester manning the free food stand just past the entrance gate. Tables were piled high with donated food, many ordered from popular Bangkok restaurants.
Recent offerings included sauteed chicken with chili and basil, Thai-style noodles from a famous downtown noodle shop, McDonald's hamburgers and, for dessert, chocolate doughnuts and shaved ice with fruit flavoring.
"We have everything we need here. There's no reason to leave," said Pongping, 44, a clothing shop owner from the southern beach town of Krabi who had camped at the compound for nine days.
Protesters, mostly royalists, wealthy and middle-class urban residents and union activists, have tapped into the Government House's electricity system. Extension cords charge mobile phones and power televisions.
The anti-government channel ASTV, owned by protest leader Sondhi Limthongkul, is broadcast round-the-clock on TV sets scattered around the grounds.
Fiery anti-Samak speakers take the stage, alternating with pop singers, like one recently crooning James Taylor songs as the crowd clapped and swayed.
When supplies are needed, protest leaders take the microphone and call for donations from supporters, who have responded by trucking in portable toilets and rudimentary outdoor showers with curtains for privacy.
The stench of urine and garbage is a problem they are trying to address.
Signs taped to the building's ornate facade note: "The Government House is the property of the Thai people. So all Thais should keep it clean."
For medical needs, there are several first-aid stations, which also hand out free shampoo, soap, mouthwash and razors.
Doctors from hospitals and clinics around Thailand have taken leaves to join the protest, said Bangkok ophthalmologist Somporn Reepolmania, pointing out a surgeon, dentist, psychiatrist and anesthesiologist.
"We are protesting against Samak and against the corrupt politics of Thailand," he said. "The government has no morals, no ethics, and the system doesn't work. We have to change it."
Protesters say they are not afraid of conflict. Some have traveled long distances to take part in the demonstrations.
"I flew from Los Angeles to Bangkok to be with (my) people," said United Airlines flight attendant Maree Lertphraewphun, who has lived in the United States for 38 years. She requested vacation to join the protests.
"If I happen to die, I will die with them," she said.
BANGKOK, Thailand - Once open only to the ruling elite, Thailand's stately Government House has turned into a cross between a refugee camp and a village fairground.
Thousands of anti-government protesters occupying the prime minister's office compound have set up a tent city complete with free food, outdoor showers, entertainment, massages and lots of manicured shrubs for hanging laundry to dry.
The siege, in its 11th day Friday, is aimed at forcing Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej to resign. The demonstrators have not succeeded in kicking him out of office, but they have kept him out his office.
To ease the kinks caused by round-the-clock protesting, massage services are available under the shade of palm trees for $3 an hour.
In a live radio broadcast Thursday, Samak called the situation a national embarrassment and refused to step down _ drawing boos and jeers from thousands of protesters fanning themselves on lawn chairs outside his office.
"I am outside and can't work properly," Samak said, his speech broadcast from a sound stage set up on the Government House lawn.
Samak initially based himself at a military headquarters outside Bangkok, but his aides say he has lately worked from an office at the Defense Ministry.
"Is it shameful? Yes, it is," Samak said.
Still, authorities have been reluctant to use force against the crowd for fear they will be denounced for sparking violence with the protesters, who have armed themselves with makeshift weapons and vowed to resist any attempt to remove them.
Also, violence, or the perception that it was imminent, could cause the military to stage a coup with the excuse that it was necessary to restore order, as it did in September 2006. It was demonstrations by the People's Alliance for Democracy, which is leading the current protest, that sparked the instability that led to the coup.
The new demonstration is built on the alliance's belief that Western-style democracy does not work for Thailand. It says the ballot box gives too much weight to the impoverished rural majority allegedly susceptible to vote buying that breeds corruption. It wants Parliament to be revamped so most lawmakers would be appointed rather than elected.
The protest has caused one of the biggest political crises since Thailand became a constitutional monarchy in 1932. It is the first time in the country's history that civilians have overrun the seat of government.
Built in the early 20th century and modeled after a Venetian palace, the Gothic-style Government House is one of Bangkok's most distinguished buildings.
The alliance's security volunteers sit behind a barbed-wire barricade at the entrance, which is stacked with motorcycle helmets for protection and golf clubs, bamboo rods and rudimentary shields.
"Welcome! Would you like something to eat?" asked Pongping Kumna, a protester manning the free food stand just past the entrance gate. Tables were piled high with donated food, many ordered from popular Bangkok restaurants.
Recent offerings included sauteed chicken with chili and basil, Thai-style noodles from a famous downtown noodle shop, McDonald's hamburgers and, for dessert, chocolate doughnuts and shaved ice with fruit flavoring.
"We have everything we need here. There's no reason to leave," said Pongping, 44, a clothing shop owner from the southern beach town of Krabi who had camped at the compound for nine days.
Protesters, mostly royalists, wealthy and middle-class urban residents and union activists, have tapped into the Government House's electricity system. Extension cords charge mobile phones and power televisions.
The anti-government channel ASTV, owned by protest leader Sondhi Limthongkul, is broadcast round-the-clock on TV sets scattered around the grounds.
Fiery anti-Samak speakers take the stage, alternating with pop singers, like one recently crooning James Taylor songs as the crowd clapped and swayed.
When supplies are needed, protest leaders take the microphone and call for donations from supporters, who have responded by trucking in portable toilets and rudimentary outdoor showers with curtains for privacy.
The stench of urine and garbage is a problem they are trying to address.
Signs taped to the building's ornate facade note: "The Government House is the property of the Thai people. So all Thais should keep it clean."
For medical needs, there are several first-aid stations, which also hand out free shampoo, soap, mouthwash and razors.
Doctors from hospitals and clinics around Thailand have taken leaves to join the protest, said Bangkok ophthalmologist Somporn Reepolmania, pointing out a surgeon, dentist, psychiatrist and anesthesiologist.
"We are protesting against Samak and against the corrupt politics of Thailand," he said. "The government has no morals, no ethics, and the system doesn't work. We have to change it."
Protesters say they are not afraid of conflict. Some have traveled long distances to take part in the demonstrations.
"I flew from Los Angeles to Bangkok to be with (my) people," said United Airlines flight attendant Maree Lertphraewphun, who has lived in the United States for 38 years. She requested vacation to join the protests.
"If I happen to die, I will die with them," she said.
Friday, September 5, 2008
Article : Thailand Political Party PAD
PAD must not become its own worst enemy
By Tulsathit Taptim
The Nation
Published on August 27, 2008
Until yesterday, the People's Alliance for Democracy was a political movement that did the wrong thing for the right reason. The activists had sacrificed their personal comfort, risked their safety and endured condemnation, all purportedly for a clear-cut objective that Thai democracy had to be clean, transparent and accountable. In a single brazen stroke, the group's leaders threatened to replace an image of martyrs with that of fanatics. And the arguably noble cause of a largely peaceful rebellion is now in danger of being undone.
Yesterday changed things. While we can live with traffic nightmares or disruption of school routines, we cannot call seizing a TV station, intimidating news anchors and paralysing public works a non-violent campaign for democracy. Nor was it a show of civil disobedience, because the much-acclaimed political practice isn't supposed to harm or terrorise innocent people doing their jobs.
Morally, it was not right. Politically, it was foolish. For once, Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej looked a calm and reasonable leader on TV as he pleaded for the public not to lend support to the rampaging PAD. That is not surprising, because the more belligerence the PAD exhibited, the more sympathy would shift to him. All he needed to do was hold back his usual urge to spew venom. If he can do that he will win this very crucial round.
All this begs the question why. Court cases are proceeding against Thaksin Shinawatra, whose allegedly massive and uncontrolled corruption gave the PAD justification to take to the streets, even if he has fled into exile again. The Samak government's persistent efforts to change the Constitution have not helped but it has not taken a formal step on those plans. And constitutional charges against incumbent ministers have so far not been hindered by the government's political influence.
The PAD has crossed the line. While it is acceptable, laudable even, for the movement to serve as a major social force to try to keep politicians in check, yesterday's aggression cannot be justified. The activists' leaders, in their campaign against Thaksin and his alleged political nominees, have repeatedly warned of dangerous precedents - doing whatever it takes to protect one's status quo, or abuse of legitimacy. They have to take a serious look at themselves now.
They have to be careful not to blur the sense of political decency. If the public is to condone the seizure of the National Broadcasting Television, some of whose terrified staff fled through windows, society will be locked in a moral dilemma. What if, say, a newspaper office was besieged like The Nation was a couple of years ago? Or what if there is an eruption of violence like when PAD members were assaulted in Udon Thani recently?
When things calmed down yesterday afternoon, it almost looked like the PAD of old. Colourful umbrellas adorning a human sea of yellow even gave Government House a somewhat festive atmosphere. Female protesters smiled and chatted with reporters. The movement's logistic personnel were busy as usual preparing food and making sure there were enough toilets. How many of them understand, however, that public perception of their beloved PAD may never be the same after the raid on NBT?
This transition is a pity because the PAD was once a phenomenon and could still be a great social force. The biggest evidence of the movement losing itself is the fact that now, unlike when the PAD camped near Government House during Thaksin's last days in office, people are asking what its objectives are. This is not to mention the continuous alienation from friends or allies who demonstrate the slightest difference in opinions from its leaders. The "Us or Them" mentality that they once decried Thaksin threatens to take root in their midst.
Thailand's on-going crisis has clouded the truth that the PAD leaders have achieved beyond imagination. It would be unfair to say we owe them nothing. Thanks largely to the movement, an election was nullified, corruption cases filed against a former PM and his associates, and he is now on the run. And its strong presence has served as a shield for the courts against political pressure.
But history shows us that it all starts this way, that democracy, dictatorship and corruption are divided by very thin lines. Grown out of an ideology, the PAD has reached that dangerous point of maturity where raw impulses want to take over. The biggest challenge now for the PAD leaders is not to bring down another government; it's how they can avoid becoming their own worst enemies.
Privacy Policy © 2006 Nation Multimedia Group
www.nationmultimedia.com
By Tulsathit Taptim
The Nation
Published on August 27, 2008
Until yesterday, the People's Alliance for Democracy was a political movement that did the wrong thing for the right reason. The activists had sacrificed their personal comfort, risked their safety and endured condemnation, all purportedly for a clear-cut objective that Thai democracy had to be clean, transparent and accountable. In a single brazen stroke, the group's leaders threatened to replace an image of martyrs with that of fanatics. And the arguably noble cause of a largely peaceful rebellion is now in danger of being undone.
Yesterday changed things. While we can live with traffic nightmares or disruption of school routines, we cannot call seizing a TV station, intimidating news anchors and paralysing public works a non-violent campaign for democracy. Nor was it a show of civil disobedience, because the much-acclaimed political practice isn't supposed to harm or terrorise innocent people doing their jobs.
Morally, it was not right. Politically, it was foolish. For once, Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej looked a calm and reasonable leader on TV as he pleaded for the public not to lend support to the rampaging PAD. That is not surprising, because the more belligerence the PAD exhibited, the more sympathy would shift to him. All he needed to do was hold back his usual urge to spew venom. If he can do that he will win this very crucial round.
All this begs the question why. Court cases are proceeding against Thaksin Shinawatra, whose allegedly massive and uncontrolled corruption gave the PAD justification to take to the streets, even if he has fled into exile again. The Samak government's persistent efforts to change the Constitution have not helped but it has not taken a formal step on those plans. And constitutional charges against incumbent ministers have so far not been hindered by the government's political influence.
The PAD has crossed the line. While it is acceptable, laudable even, for the movement to serve as a major social force to try to keep politicians in check, yesterday's aggression cannot be justified. The activists' leaders, in their campaign against Thaksin and his alleged political nominees, have repeatedly warned of dangerous precedents - doing whatever it takes to protect one's status quo, or abuse of legitimacy. They have to take a serious look at themselves now.
They have to be careful not to blur the sense of political decency. If the public is to condone the seizure of the National Broadcasting Television, some of whose terrified staff fled through windows, society will be locked in a moral dilemma. What if, say, a newspaper office was besieged like The Nation was a couple of years ago? Or what if there is an eruption of violence like when PAD members were assaulted in Udon Thani recently?
When things calmed down yesterday afternoon, it almost looked like the PAD of old. Colourful umbrellas adorning a human sea of yellow even gave Government House a somewhat festive atmosphere. Female protesters smiled and chatted with reporters. The movement's logistic personnel were busy as usual preparing food and making sure there were enough toilets. How many of them understand, however, that public perception of their beloved PAD may never be the same after the raid on NBT?
This transition is a pity because the PAD was once a phenomenon and could still be a great social force. The biggest evidence of the movement losing itself is the fact that now, unlike when the PAD camped near Government House during Thaksin's last days in office, people are asking what its objectives are. This is not to mention the continuous alienation from friends or allies who demonstrate the slightest difference in opinions from its leaders. The "Us or Them" mentality that they once decried Thaksin threatens to take root in their midst.
Thailand's on-going crisis has clouded the truth that the PAD leaders have achieved beyond imagination. It would be unfair to say we owe them nothing. Thanks largely to the movement, an election was nullified, corruption cases filed against a former PM and his associates, and he is now on the run. And its strong presence has served as a shield for the courts against political pressure.
But history shows us that it all starts this way, that democracy, dictatorship and corruption are divided by very thin lines. Grown out of an ideology, the PAD has reached that dangerous point of maturity where raw impulses want to take over. The biggest challenge now for the PAD leaders is not to bring down another government; it's how they can avoid becoming their own worst enemies.
Privacy Policy © 2006 Nation Multimedia Group
www.nationmultimedia.com
Thursday, September 4, 2008
Article : Another bitter lesson that may get us nowhere
STOPPAGE TIME
Another bitter lesson that may get us nowhere
By Tulsathit Taptim
The Nation
Published on September 3, 2008
OUR luck could only hold so far. If Foreign Minister Tej Bunnag was right - that everything happening in Thailand is part of a democratic evolution - then we have been getting the hardest possible lesson. Things have come a long, long way from the day when the People's Alliance for Democracy was seemingly a pure ideological force, whose members had nothing more complicated in their hearts than the feeling that something was morally wrong with the Temasek deal.
We have gone through countless soul-searching exercises since an extremely rich politician refused to pay taxes when he should have. Protests were labelled by some as a "blow to democracy", but we thought, "What's wrong with people taking to the streets to denounce corruption?"
Then a coup tested our conscience and, just when we thought that was the toughest we could bear, the dissolution of a party that had won unprecedented support from the poor followed.
The coup and disbanding of the Thai Rak Thai Party turned out to be just initial bumps in our roller-coaster quest for the right morals. A reincarnation of Thai Rak Thai swept a general election, a landslide victory that, to some, endorsed democracy but, to others, amplified doubts about the system.
When the new government plotted to change the new Constitution, deemed by one side a legacy of the coup and by the other necessary medicine to cure democratic ills, new turmoil erupted.
We prayed it wouldn't degenerate into a war, because this is where everyone discards morals that are held so dearly at first and embraces the very means they used to abhor. The wishful thinking ended last week when the PAD lost its patience and took civil disobedience a step too far. The brief seizure of National Broadcast Television and occupation of Government House were provocative and hardly justifiable, and when the opposing camp staged an even more belligerent rally at nearby Sanam Luang, Rajadamnoen wept again.
It's too easy, however, to blame the PAD's provocation, or the rival protesters' blood thirst, or the police's conspicuously poor preparation. The "causes" of Tuesday's tragedy could stretch back years and they have been blurred by the failure of both sides of the conflict to uphold fundamental principles.
Where should we start our diagnosis? Should we go as far back as the time when Thaksin Shinawatra was spraying his shares to nominees all over the place and still managed to slip through constitutional safeguards to become ruler of Thailand? Or was Tuesday's infamy a more direct result of his rivals' inability to take election results as his absolution?
We have tempted and teased our fortune - by ignoring guiding values or using them selectively. It comes as no surprise, therefore, that both sides have been claiming that they fight for the same ideal goal - a good political system - yet don't mind killing each other to achieve it. Both share the same bitterness, anger and confusion, and suffer the same curse of flying high one day and having their hopes and dreams upended the next.
How can a nation break apart with its people so alike? Why is our nation so fragile with us so "flexible"? It seems clear now that we are not divided by ideologies, but rather pure lust for power.
Last year's referendum was purportedly on a charter but in reality it was largely over one man. The military that ousted Thaksin practically repeated his tracks, though on a relatively minor scale. The PAD decried the siege of The Nation's headquarters by pro-Thaksin mobs more than two years ago, only to end up terrorising the NBT staff itself last week. The courts are "just" and must be obeyed as long as they rule against our enemies and until the judges turn against us.
If Tej was right, our democratic evolution still has a long way to go. We have learned a lot but have still achieved only a little. One side condemns the other side for sacrificing values and respect for human rights, only to sacrifice its own values and principles.
Is there a force stronger than democratic aspirations, one that always lurks to tip our balance? Or is this just a myth about democracy - that the only way to attain it is through breaking its fundamental laws?
Will we be able to complete the study and emerge as a competent nation, made healthy through the hardest, most unforgettable lessons? Or are we stuck and will finally be doomed, because we are using raw instincts to try to achieve something so ideal?
Privacy Policy © 2006 Nation Multimedia Group Thailand Web Stat
www.nationmultimedia.com
Another bitter lesson that may get us nowhere
By Tulsathit Taptim
The Nation
Published on September 3, 2008
OUR luck could only hold so far. If Foreign Minister Tej Bunnag was right - that everything happening in Thailand is part of a democratic evolution - then we have been getting the hardest possible lesson. Things have come a long, long way from the day when the People's Alliance for Democracy was seemingly a pure ideological force, whose members had nothing more complicated in their hearts than the feeling that something was morally wrong with the Temasek deal.
We have gone through countless soul-searching exercises since an extremely rich politician refused to pay taxes when he should have. Protests were labelled by some as a "blow to democracy", but we thought, "What's wrong with people taking to the streets to denounce corruption?"
Then a coup tested our conscience and, just when we thought that was the toughest we could bear, the dissolution of a party that had won unprecedented support from the poor followed.
The coup and disbanding of the Thai Rak Thai Party turned out to be just initial bumps in our roller-coaster quest for the right morals. A reincarnation of Thai Rak Thai swept a general election, a landslide victory that, to some, endorsed democracy but, to others, amplified doubts about the system.
When the new government plotted to change the new Constitution, deemed by one side a legacy of the coup and by the other necessary medicine to cure democratic ills, new turmoil erupted.
We prayed it wouldn't degenerate into a war, because this is where everyone discards morals that are held so dearly at first and embraces the very means they used to abhor. The wishful thinking ended last week when the PAD lost its patience and took civil disobedience a step too far. The brief seizure of National Broadcast Television and occupation of Government House were provocative and hardly justifiable, and when the opposing camp staged an even more belligerent rally at nearby Sanam Luang, Rajadamnoen wept again.
It's too easy, however, to blame the PAD's provocation, or the rival protesters' blood thirst, or the police's conspicuously poor preparation. The "causes" of Tuesday's tragedy could stretch back years and they have been blurred by the failure of both sides of the conflict to uphold fundamental principles.
Where should we start our diagnosis? Should we go as far back as the time when Thaksin Shinawatra was spraying his shares to nominees all over the place and still managed to slip through constitutional safeguards to become ruler of Thailand? Or was Tuesday's infamy a more direct result of his rivals' inability to take election results as his absolution?
We have tempted and teased our fortune - by ignoring guiding values or using them selectively. It comes as no surprise, therefore, that both sides have been claiming that they fight for the same ideal goal - a good political system - yet don't mind killing each other to achieve it. Both share the same bitterness, anger and confusion, and suffer the same curse of flying high one day and having their hopes and dreams upended the next.
How can a nation break apart with its people so alike? Why is our nation so fragile with us so "flexible"? It seems clear now that we are not divided by ideologies, but rather pure lust for power.
Last year's referendum was purportedly on a charter but in reality it was largely over one man. The military that ousted Thaksin practically repeated his tracks, though on a relatively minor scale. The PAD decried the siege of The Nation's headquarters by pro-Thaksin mobs more than two years ago, only to end up terrorising the NBT staff itself last week. The courts are "just" and must be obeyed as long as they rule against our enemies and until the judges turn against us.
If Tej was right, our democratic evolution still has a long way to go. We have learned a lot but have still achieved only a little. One side condemns the other side for sacrificing values and respect for human rights, only to sacrifice its own values and principles.
Is there a force stronger than democratic aspirations, one that always lurks to tip our balance? Or is this just a myth about democracy - that the only way to attain it is through breaking its fundamental laws?
Will we be able to complete the study and emerge as a competent nation, made healthy through the hardest, most unforgettable lessons? Or are we stuck and will finally be doomed, because we are using raw instincts to try to achieve something so ideal?
Privacy Policy © 2006 Nation Multimedia Group Thailand Web Stat
www.nationmultimedia.com
Tuesday, September 2, 2008
I'm off to Bangkok...
Deja Vu again for Thailand, as People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and other anti-government decided to protest against the Thai prime minister Samak Sundaravej just barely a few months in parliament, demanding that he should step down. The last time in 2006, the rioters turned ugly, overthrowing Thaksin, the former prime minster's government. Thaksin Shinawatra was accused of massive corruption and had fled to Britain.
This time, the anti-government protesters accuse Sundaravej of being the lackey of Thaksin and of election rigging.
On Tuesday 2 Sept 2008, the prime minster declaration state of emergency, disallowing any assembly of more than five people. Not a good idea, as it may aggravate the situation with the protesters camping out at the Government House having yet another excuse to storm the streets.
It had been a tense period, PAD managed to close down Phuket airport on Friday and Hat Yai on Tuesday. Hopefully not Bangkok airport which I would need to be flying out by end of the week.
FYI : PAD was organised by a group of right winged businessmen and political activists. The protesters carries images of the King, Bhumibol Adulyadej declaring absolute reverence during their camp out at the Government house. Wonder if there is any significance?
While I shouldn't comment on the Thai Politics, I really feel this is once again politically motivated by the higher powers. I wonder how long Thailand can remain a democracy with all these infighting going on. Everyone is jostling for power and Thailand is rearing itself to become military rule once more.
Not good for the Thai economy, not good for ASEAN region. The tourists are fleeing.
A few countries including Singapore had advised against travelling to Thailand.
A little bit of drama the whole day, as a group of people were suppose to travel with me had decided to cancel their trip.
I have decided to travel to Bangkok inspite of it, bags packed, cameras ready, airticket in hand.
Let's see what's the real situation there.
PS : Hope the Thai government don't close down internet access. In the meantime I have scheduled up a few Thai related news for archiving in the blog
Sunday, August 31, 2008
Journey of a lifetime - a travel grant
I received an email, inviting talented travellers to participate in this travel grant organised by the Royal Geographical Society (UK) and BBC radio 4.
The catch is you have to fly to London should you be shortlisted for an interview. The Deadline is on Friday 26 September. The chosen applicant would get £4,000 for their dream journey and a chance to make a radio documentary of it.
Great opportunity for those who would love to get their hands on some travel funding on their next dream trip. Go for it!
-------------------------------------
Journey of a Lifetime - A Grant
For those with a genuine curiosity about the world around them, the Journey of a Lifetime is a grant of £4,000 for an original and inspiring journey anywhere in the world. The winner will receive training in radio broadcasting from the BBC and will record their experiences for a BBC Radio 4 documentary.
The aim of the award is to inspire an interest in the people and places of the world
and to discover new radio broadcasting talent.
About the award
The Royal Geographical Society (with IBG), in partnership with BBC Radio 4, offers you the chance to make a journey of a lifetime and to tell the world about it in a memorable piece of radio documentary-making. Each year the RGS-IBG and the BBC support the best idea for an original, exciting, and exceptional journey. It is important that the project takes you somewhere fresh, different and original. Therefore it is a good idea to bear in mind where the previous winners have been (Egypt in 2006, Kenya in 2007). For further details please see our website.
Your journey needs really to matter to you: we need to feel your passion and enthusiasm and Radio 4 listeners need to be fascinated. The BBC already broadcasts a lot of documentaries about faraway places. When developing your idea, make sure it is the sort of thing journalists rarely have the time to cover. Most reporters can only afford the time and money to make short visits to meet important people and do not get immersed in the local society.
The programme you will be making needs to tell your story – and that of the journey and the place you will be visiting – in a graphic and attractive way.
Think of all the audio potential in the idea – not just indigenous music and sounds, but how you are going to find interesting sounds within the substance of the journey (by keeping an audiodiary, for example). Radio is very good on atmospherics and imaginative pictures, but you need to think about what your journey and your destination offer to create those pictures.
In terms of where you choose to go –anywhere you can think of is potentially an interesting destination.
Eligibility guidelines
Application process
Applications may be submitted electronically in word format, by mail, or by fax by 26 September 2008.
Initial Proposal
Applying to the Journey of a Lifetime Award is easy. We are only looking for the 'pitch' of your
idea at this stage- the core idea that makes this your Journey of a Lifetime. Your pitch should be
no longer than 550 words and should provide;
budgets.
Applications should be submitted by email, mail, or fax to the grants officer at the society by 26
September 2008. From the initial proposals, up to ten projects will be shortlisted by a panel of
judges. Those selected will be asked to prepare a detailed proposal.
Detailed Proposal
Applications should be submitted electronically in word format, by mail, or by fax and must contain the following information:
Interviews
Conditions
Note: Digital photographs should be in JPEG or TIFF format and at a quality of 300 dpi or more in A5 size.
Contact/ Applications
Grants Officer
Royal Geographical Society (with IBG)
1 Kensington Gore
London
SW7 2AR
T: (0) 20 7591 3073
F: (0) 20 7591 3031
E: grants@rgs.org
W: www.rgs.org/grants
The Royal Geographical Society (with IBG) offers many other grants for different areas of geographical research at different career stages.
Full details of all grants can be found at www.rgs.org/grant
Please note: an application may only be made for one grant per project, with the exception of the Henrietta Hutton Research Grants and the Gilchrist Fieldwork Award.
The catch is you have to fly to London should you be shortlisted for an interview. The Deadline is on Friday 26 September. The chosen applicant would get £4,000 for their dream journey and a chance to make a radio documentary of it.
Great opportunity for those who would love to get their hands on some travel funding on their next dream trip. Go for it!
-------------------------------------
Journey of a Lifetime - A Grant
For those with a genuine curiosity about the world around them, the Journey of a Lifetime is a grant of £4,000 for an original and inspiring journey anywhere in the world. The winner will receive training in radio broadcasting from the BBC and will record their experiences for a BBC Radio 4 documentary.
The aim of the award is to inspire an interest in the people and places of the world
and to discover new radio broadcasting talent.
About the award
The Royal Geographical Society (with IBG), in partnership with BBC Radio 4, offers you the chance to make a journey of a lifetime and to tell the world about it in a memorable piece of radio documentary-making. Each year the RGS-IBG and the BBC support the best idea for an original, exciting, and exceptional journey. It is important that the project takes you somewhere fresh, different and original. Therefore it is a good idea to bear in mind where the previous winners have been (Egypt in 2006, Kenya in 2007). For further details please see our website.
Your journey needs really to matter to you: we need to feel your passion and enthusiasm and Radio 4 listeners need to be fascinated. The BBC already broadcasts a lot of documentaries about faraway places. When developing your idea, make sure it is the sort of thing journalists rarely have the time to cover. Most reporters can only afford the time and money to make short visits to meet important people and do not get immersed in the local society.
The programme you will be making needs to tell your story – and that of the journey and the place you will be visiting – in a graphic and attractive way.
Think of all the audio potential in the idea – not just indigenous music and sounds, but how you are going to find interesting sounds within the substance of the journey (by keeping an audiodiary, for example). Radio is very good on atmospherics and imaginative pictures, but you need to think about what your journey and your destination offer to create those pictures.
In terms of where you choose to go –anywhere you can think of is potentially an interesting destination.
Eligibility guidelines
- You will be travelling between February and July 2009
- Applicants must be aged 18 or over
- BBC, RGS-IBC staff and their close relatives are not eligible to apply for grants
- The BBC will retain editorial control over any programme it may make. It cannot guarantee that any programme it may make will be broadcasted.
- Interviews will be held, in London. You must be able to attend these interviews in person
- Applications from small teams rather than solo travellers are accepted, but please make it clear in your application if this is the case
- The award is for independent travel. We will NOT consider any journey joining a commercial expedition or pre-paid tour, including organised charity fundraising tours
Application process
Applications may be submitted electronically in word format, by mail, or by fax by 26 September 2008.
Initial Proposal
Applying to the Journey of a Lifetime Award is easy. We are only looking for the 'pitch' of your
idea at this stage- the core idea that makes this your Journey of a Lifetime. Your pitch should be
no longer than 550 words and should provide;
- A Two line summary- A very brief description of your planned journey. Think of this as what Journey of a Lifetime £4,000 and a BBC Radio 4 documentary for an inspiring and original journey would appear as your headline in the Radio Times.
- A 250-300 word description of the journey in more detail. You do not have to include everything listed here, but it may help you to consider;
- Why is this a journey of a lifetime
- Why will this make a good radio broadcast - Why is this of interest to the audience
- How will you achieve the journey - What will you get out of it
- What will the audience get out of it
- Why you and not somebody else
- How did you hear about the award
budgets.
Applications should be submitted by email, mail, or fax to the grants officer at the society by 26
September 2008. From the initial proposals, up to ten projects will be shortlisted by a panel of
judges. Those selected will be asked to prepare a detailed proposal.
Detailed Proposal
Applications should be submitted electronically in word format, by mail, or by fax and must contain the following information:
- Title and short abstract (max 100 words)
- Full contact details
- A description of your journey. This might include your motivation for the journey, a description of the aspects of the journey that would make interesting radio, your aspirations following the journey and your previous travel experience. (1,000 words)
- A breakdown of the budget for the different aspects of the journey.
- An outline timetable for the journey.
- A risk assessment and safety management plan (max 300 words).
- Please include the latitude and longitude of your destination (These are used by the RGS-IBG to geocode information about our grants programme in GIS)
- Please indicate how you heard about the Journey of a Lifetime Award.
Interviews
- Interviews will be held at the RGS-IBG in December 2008.
- After the interviews two of the applicants will be asked to attend a training day at the BBC. A final decision regarding the winner will be made following this training day. This training day is part of the evaluation.
Conditions
- Within a month of your return you should submit a 1000 word report detailing your journey and including three to five digital images that capture the spirit of the project.
- The award winner may be asked to present a lecture on the project work at the RGS-IBG at a mutually convenient date
- The Society’s support should be acknowledged in all publications and outputs. Copies of any such publications and outputs should be submitted to the Society
- Award details may be published in the Society’s publications and on the website
- The RGS-IBG requires that the projects it funds be conducted in an ethical and responsible manner and that recipients fulfil all their institution’s health and safety requirements and ethical approvals.
- Full details of the Society’s ethical guidelines for research can be found at www.rgs.org/OurWork/Grants/Grants.htm
Note: Digital photographs should be in JPEG or TIFF format and at a quality of 300 dpi or more in A5 size.
Contact/ Applications
Grants Officer
Royal Geographical Society (with IBG)
1 Kensington Gore
London
SW7 2AR
T: (0) 20 7591 3073
F: (0) 20 7591 3031
E: grants@rgs.org
W: www.rgs.org/grants
The Royal Geographical Society (with IBG) offers many other grants for different areas of geographical research at different career stages.
Full details of all grants can be found at www.rgs.org/grant
Please note: an application may only be made for one grant per project, with the exception of the Henrietta Hutton Research Grants and the Gilchrist Fieldwork Award.
Wednesday, August 20, 2008
Indian Guesthouse Owner and Rapist Freed!
If you are visiting Udaipur City, India, do not stay at Pardeshi guesthouse (also known as Nayan Palace). The owner was charged raping a British lady however is now scott free due to the corruption and inadequate legal system in India. It is absolutely deplorable how women are treated in modern fast developing country like India. Spread the news and make sure it is posted all over the blogosphere! This man should be stoned to death middle-ages style for such a violent horrid crime!
India: Guesthouse owner and rapist Parbat Singh free after 3 months
From The Timesonline
August 5, 2008
Jeremy Page, South Asia Correspondent
Parbat Singh was jailed for 21 years for the brutal attack
An Indian guesthouse owner who was convicted of raping a British tourist in the northern state of Rajasthan has been released three months after he was given a 21-year sentence, The Times has learnt.
Parbat Singh, 32, owner of the Pardeshi guesthouse and restaurant in the city of Udaipur, has resumed running his business, which is popular among tourists from Britain and other countries.
“The solid professionalism along with the nature skills of the owners assures the overall safety,” says its business card. “Lean back and enjoy.”
The release of Singh last week raises fresh concerns about the safety of women tourists in India after the rape and murder of the British girl Scarlett Keeling, 15, in Goa in February.
Singh, also known as Rana, was jailed on April 30 for forcing his way into a 40-year-old British woman's room at the Pardeshi on December 23 and raping her with such ferocity that she passed out and suffered bleeding and convulsions for days.
Unlike many foreign rape victims in India, the freelance journalist stayed in the country and endured harassment from police, medical staff and even her own lawyers to secure her attacker's conviction before returning to Britain.
However, on July 29 a court in the city of Jodhpur released Singh on bail pending an appeal, according to Sandeep Mehta, his lawyer, and a court official.
Bail is usually never granted for violent offenders and Singh could remain free for years given the inefficiency of India's courts, which have a backlog of 29.2 million cases.
The British woman, who has asked not to be identified, is convinced that Singh's supporters paid bribes to secure his release. “This gives a whole new meaning to ‘incredible India',” she said. “I can only believe that the judicial system is totally corrupt if a man like this can be let free. He is a convicted rapist and he is running a guesthouse. No woman is safe there.”
The Pardeshi guesthouse, also known as the Nayan Palace, is situated at 60 Hanuman Gap, next to the Hotel Sarovar in Udaipur.
The victim accused officials of deliberately failing to inform her of Singh's bail application and appeal because she had refused to pay bribes. She said that a lawyer had asked her to pay bribes of more than 25,000 rupees (£300) to a government legal officer during Singh's trial, as well as gifts to all the court officials.
Singh's lawyer said that he was “very surprised” that the victim had not been represented at the bail hearing. The victim said that she was trying to find a new lawyer to fight Singh's bail and appeal. She also appealed to Renuka Chowdhury, the Minister for Women, and Ambika Soni, the Minister of Tourism, to intervene in the case.
Senior Indian officials have expressed concern that India's tourist industry has been tarnished by a series of sexual assaults on foreigners, including several Britons, in the past year.
The National Crime Records Bureau says that rape is the fastest-growing crime in India, with 19,348 cases reported in 2006, a 22 per cent increase on 2005.
Women's rights groups say that tens of thousands more are not reported and that the conviction rate, although rising slowly, averages only 27 per cent.
Indian authorities say that they have set up fast-track courts and a tourist police force to help to protect the more than five million foreigners expected to visit India this year.
Singh's victim said that when she tried to contact the tourist police, they did not appear to exist, and that her treatment by local authorities was almost as traumatic as the rape itself. “Now I feel I have to start all over again,” she said. “This monster's life has gone back to normal, while mine will never be the same again.”
http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com
India: Guesthouse owner and rapist Parbat Singh free after 3 months
From The Timesonline
August 5, 2008
Jeremy Page, South Asia Correspondent
Parbat Singh was jailed for 21 years for the brutal attack
An Indian guesthouse owner who was convicted of raping a British tourist in the northern state of Rajasthan has been released three months after he was given a 21-year sentence, The Times has learnt.
Parbat Singh, 32, owner of the Pardeshi guesthouse and restaurant in the city of Udaipur, has resumed running his business, which is popular among tourists from Britain and other countries.
“The solid professionalism along with the nature skills of the owners assures the overall safety,” says its business card. “Lean back and enjoy.”
The release of Singh last week raises fresh concerns about the safety of women tourists in India after the rape and murder of the British girl Scarlett Keeling, 15, in Goa in February.
Singh, also known as Rana, was jailed on April 30 for forcing his way into a 40-year-old British woman's room at the Pardeshi on December 23 and raping her with such ferocity that she passed out and suffered bleeding and convulsions for days.
Unlike many foreign rape victims in India, the freelance journalist stayed in the country and endured harassment from police, medical staff and even her own lawyers to secure her attacker's conviction before returning to Britain.
However, on July 29 a court in the city of Jodhpur released Singh on bail pending an appeal, according to Sandeep Mehta, his lawyer, and a court official.
Bail is usually never granted for violent offenders and Singh could remain free for years given the inefficiency of India's courts, which have a backlog of 29.2 million cases.
The British woman, who has asked not to be identified, is convinced that Singh's supporters paid bribes to secure his release. “This gives a whole new meaning to ‘incredible India',” she said. “I can only believe that the judicial system is totally corrupt if a man like this can be let free. He is a convicted rapist and he is running a guesthouse. No woman is safe there.”
The Pardeshi guesthouse, also known as the Nayan Palace, is situated at 60 Hanuman Gap, next to the Hotel Sarovar in Udaipur.
The victim accused officials of deliberately failing to inform her of Singh's bail application and appeal because she had refused to pay bribes. She said that a lawyer had asked her to pay bribes of more than 25,000 rupees (£300) to a government legal officer during Singh's trial, as well as gifts to all the court officials.
Singh's lawyer said that he was “very surprised” that the victim had not been represented at the bail hearing. The victim said that she was trying to find a new lawyer to fight Singh's bail and appeal. She also appealed to Renuka Chowdhury, the Minister for Women, and Ambika Soni, the Minister of Tourism, to intervene in the case.
Senior Indian officials have expressed concern that India's tourist industry has been tarnished by a series of sexual assaults on foreigners, including several Britons, in the past year.
The National Crime Records Bureau says that rape is the fastest-growing crime in India, with 19,348 cases reported in 2006, a 22 per cent increase on 2005.
Women's rights groups say that tens of thousands more are not reported and that the conviction rate, although rising slowly, averages only 27 per cent.
Indian authorities say that they have set up fast-track courts and a tourist police force to help to protect the more than five million foreigners expected to visit India this year.
Singh's victim said that when she tried to contact the tourist police, they did not appear to exist, and that her treatment by local authorities was almost as traumatic as the rape itself. “Now I feel I have to start all over again,” she said. “This monster's life has gone back to normal, while mine will never be the same again.”
http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com
Thursday, August 14, 2008
Swaziland best known for its King and his many wives
"Without the King, there will be no culture", shares Swaziland Princess Sikhanyiso. She hosted at the annual Reef Dance.
Umhlanga festival commonly known as the Reef dance where young women from all over the country comes together to celebrate their chastity of being virgins, dancing topless.
This is also where the King of Swaziland comes to choose his next wife. Last count with 13 wives and 3 fiances although 2 of his wives left him by running away.
The polygamous King took a new wife at the festival who was 2 years younger than the Princess in 2006.
Last weekend, I watched a documentary "Without the King" about Swaziland. The documentary directed by Michael Skolnik gives a subtle view of the country without vomiting its western judgements onto the viewer.
Skolnik's documentary follows Princess Sikhanyiso, eldest child of the Swaziland ruler from her country to her first year of christian college in California and the plight of Swaziland people.
The documentary contrast the lavish lifestyle of the royal family, the multiple palaces to house each of the king's wives and his offsprings to the disparity of the Swazi people living in impoverished shacks. There are glimpses of the growing political revolt and mis-content of its starving people. One shocking scene at the beginning shows a Swazi village where people cook raw animal intestines that they ravage a garbage dump and the mis-management of the government who fail to provide running water to an agriculturally fertile land.
Swaziland is a tiny country nestled between South Africa and Mozambique, is the last remaining functioning monarchy of the African Nations. Ruled by King Mswait III, the last absolute African monarch, Swaziland has one of the highest rate of HIV/AIDS in the world, about 35-40% of its population. Swazi people face a startling life expectancy around 31 years of age.
It is also one of the poorest country in Africa where people face starvation and poverty, GDP per capita was $5,500 (estimated in 2005), 34 per cent of the population are unemployed. 69% of its Swazi people live with less than us$1 a day.
Politically, there is a constitution. the King has a nominal government with the prime minster, cabinet and legislative body chosen by him. Opposition parties are banned, any protest or rallies for a more constitutional democracy is often squashed by the police. The country's human rights record is also one of the worst in the world which is largely ignored by the International Media.
The documentary also shows while the King becomes more oblivious to the dire situation plaguing the country, the Princess self-indulgent views of her country slowly falters. She gives a hint of insight about the monarchy troubled by its internal power struggles between the royal family, about her mother Queen LaMbikiza, often anointed as the Rebel queen. Sidenote what the documentary didn't mention and soap opera potential: The Queen received a law education via a correspondence degree from a South African University. Married at age of 16 when she met the King at an annual reef dance. She was once accused by the royal family of attempting to poison the king and had fled to London before returning to the country upon the king's request.
In the last scene of the film, the Princess shows her concern and ponders about the possibility of having a revolution in her lifetime while she visits a AIDS children orphanage casting a little hope of a monarchy reform and political consciousness.
A high task for her if she ever tries to reform her country against the wills and political aspirations of a large royal family filled with 200 of the King's own siblings and their families, 25 children of the King and his growing number of wives. A more likely scenario would be a civil war and the abolishment of the monarchy altogether. An optimist would prefer a monarchy reform, but if history has proven over centuries, power corrupts and for those in power throughout history of mankind, who has ever gave up their wealth and riches for poverty and obscurity?
Update : Apparently this documentary is banned in Swaziland for being seditious.
Why so many fakes at The Opening of Beijing 2008 Olympics?
First at the Beijing Olympics Opening, there were the fake CGI fireworks of the Bird's Nest.
Then they had a fake little girl lip-synching a national song in one of the performances. I pity the little girl who was doing the real singing, being told she had a beautiful voice, but she doesn't have the looks.
Fine, it was a terrific show, who cares if it is a fake even Luciano Pavarotti faked his singing at Turin Winter Olympics 2006. But still it was his own voice!
Me the viewer was being misled that it was a live show with real people doing real stuff!
Didn't the career of one pop band in the 1980s sank when they lip-synched. I felt short-changed!
I am shocked even more so of the reply from the guy who admitted about it at a television interview. The poor chap can kiss goodbye his music career in China and probably banished forever back to France.
"The reason why little Yang (real girl singing) was not chosen to appear was because we wanted to project the right image, we were thinking about what was best for the nation," Chen said in an interview that appeared briefly on the news website Sina.com before it was apparently wiped from the Internet in China.
- Chen Qigang, the general music designer of the ceremony
Tsk tsk Beijing, what else is there you are not telling us?
Here's the news from AP
Olympic child singing star revealed as fake
AFP - Wednesday, August 13
BEIJING (AFP) - - The little girl who starred at the Olympic opening ceremony was miming and only put on stage because the real singer was not considered attractive enough, the show's musical director has revealed.
Pigtailed Lin Miaoke was selected to appear because of her cute appearance and did not sing a note, Chen Qigang, the general music designer of the ceremony, said in an interview with a state broadcaster aired Tuesday.
Photographs of Lin in a bright red party dress were published in newspapers and websites all over the world and the official China Daily hailed her as a rising star on Tuesday.
But Chen said the girl whose voice was actually heard by the 91,000 capacity crowd at the Olympic stadium during the spectacular ceremony was in fact seven-year-old Yang Peiyi, who has a chubby face and uneven teeth.
"The reason why little Yang was not chosen to appear was because we wanted to project the right image, we were thinking about what was best for the nation," Chen said in an interview that appeared briefly on the news website Sina.com before it was apparently wiped from the Internet in China.
Lin was seen to perform the patriotic song "Ode to the Motherland" as China's national flag was carried into the stadium, a key moment in the three hour ceremony.
"The reason was for the national interest. The child on camera should be flawless in image, internal feelings, and expression," said Chen, a renowned contemporary composer and French citizen.
"Lin Miaoke is excellent in those aspects. But in terms of voice, Yang Peiyi is perfect, each member of our team agreed," he said.
He said the final decision to stage the event with Lin lip-synching to another girl's voice was taken after a senior member of China's ruling Communist Party politburo attended a rehearsal.
"He told us there was a problem that we needed to fix it, so we did," he said, without disclosing further details of the order.
The Beijing Olympic organising committee confirmed the episode with spokesman Sun Weide saying the decision was taken in the interests of providing the best possible show.
"A number of girls were on the short list for the show and Lin was the best actress while Yang had the best voice," he said. "So at the end of the day they decided to have both."
The ceremony directed by China's Oscar-nominated filmmaker Zhang Yimou and featuring more than 15,000 performers won high praise in China and overseas for its breadth, scope and flawless execution.
However criticism began to build after it emerged that another part of the opening ceremony had been faked.
Supposedly live pictures of fireworks depicting footprints moving from central Beijing's Tiananmen Square to the Olympic stadium in the north of the capital were actually partly computer-generated or pre-recorded for TV, organisers have admitted.
Wang Wei, vice president of the organising committee, Tuesday insisted the fireworks had actually exploded on the night and that most of the television images used were genuine.
"However, because of the poor visibility of the night some previously recorded foots may have been used," he said.
Xiao Qiang, the director of the China Internet project at the University of California at Berkeley and former dissident, said the two incidents illustrated the political nature of the Games for China.
"I do not think the Chinese state realises how unethical this is, they don't understand what kind of values they are reflecting," he said.
Earlier this year Olympic organisers preoccupied with the right image for the country were criticised for insisting that only tall, slim, young and attractive women could serve as medal award ceremony hostesses.
Copyright AFP.com 2008
-
From Telegraph Uk
By Richard Spencer in Beijing
Last Updated: 8:29PM BST 12 Aug 2008
Beijing Olympics: Faking scandal over girl who 'sang' in opening ceremony
Chinese officials have admitted deceiving the public over another highlight of the Olympic opening ceremony: the picture-perfect schoolgirl who sang as the Chinese flag entered the stadium was performing to another girl's voice.
The girl in the red dress with the pigtails, called Lin Miaoke, 9, and from a Beijing primary school, has become a national sensation since Friday night, giving interviews to all the most popular newspapers.
But the show's musical designer felt forced to set the record straight. He gave an interview to Beijing radio saying the real singer was a seven-year-old girl who had won a gruelling competition to perform the anthem, a patriotic song called "Hymn to the Motherland".
At the last moment a member of the Chinese politburo who was watching a rehearsal pronounced that the winner, a girl called Yang Peiyi, might have a perfect voice but was unsuited to the lead role because of her buck teeth.
So, on the night, while a pre-recording of Yang Peiyi singing was played, Lin Miaoke, who has already featured in television advertisements, was seen but not heard.
"This was a last-minute question, a choice we had to make," the ceremony's musical designer, Chen Qigang, said. "Our rehearsals had already been vetted several times - they were all very strict. When we had the dress rehearsals, there were spectators from various divisions, including above all a member of the politburo who gave us his verdict: we had to make the swap."
Mr Chen's interview gave an extraordinary insight into the control exercised over the ceremony by the Games' political overseers, all to ensure the country was seen at its best.
Officials have already admitted that the pictures of giant firework footprints which marched across Beijing towards the stadium on Friday night were prerecorded, digitally enhanced and inserted into footage beamed across the world.
Mr Chen said the initial hopefuls to sing the anthem had been reduced to ten, and one, a ten-year-old, had originally been chosen for the quality of her voice. But she, too, had fallen by the wayside because she was not "cute" enough.
"We used her to sing in all the rehearsals," Mr Chen said. "But in the end the director thought her image was not the most appropriate, because she was a little too old. Regrettably, we had to let her go."
At that point Yang Peiyi stepped up to the plate.
"The main consideration was the national interest," he said. "The child on the screen should be flawless in image, in her internal feelings, and in her expression. In the matter of her voice, Yang Peiyi was flawless, in the unanimous opinion of all the members of the team."
That was until attention turned to Yang Peiyi's teeth. Nevertheless, Mr Chen thought the end result a perfect compromise.
"We have a responsibility to face the audience of the whole country, and to be open with this explanation," he said. "We should all understand it like this: it is a question of the national interest. It is a question of the image of our national music, our national culture.
"Especially at the entrance of our national flag, this is an extremely important, an extremely serious matter.
"So we made the choice. I think it is fair to both Lin Miaoke and Yang Peiyi - after all, we have a perfect voice, a perfect image and a perfect show, in our team's view, all together."
One question remains: why was Lin Miaoke allowed to give interviews in which she lapped up the praise for her singing. Mr Chen said she might not have known that the words she was singing could not be heard. She had, in fact, only known she was going to perform at all 15 minutes beforehand.
Yang Peiyi is said to have reacted well to the disappointment. "I am proud to have been chosen to sing at all," she is reported to have said.
© Copyright of Telegraph Media Group Limited 2008
Mirror of http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com
Monday, August 11, 2008
Travel News : US tourist hacked to death in Guatemala
My Views : Unfortunate that beautiful Guatemala gets terrible news once again. While I was travelling there, four belgian tourists got kidnapped. Given the history of violence and civil war for 30 years, there might still be residual effects. I was told west part of Guatemala near the borders most people would carry firearms everywhere or possess guns in their houses. East part of Guatemala along the Caribbean have problems of piracy. Still Guatemala is relatively a safe country if you are prudent in travelling, have decent common sense, other times its just having bad luck.
US tourist hacked to death in Guatemala
By JUAN CARLOS LLORCA,Associated Press Writer AP - Monday, August 11
GUATEMALA CITY - Robbers armed with machetes hacked a U.S. tourist to death and seriously wounded his wife in an attack aboard the couple's sailboat in northeastern Guatemala, the woman told The Associated Press on Sunday.
In a telephone interview from her hospital bed, Nancy Dryden, 67, said her husband, Daniel Perry Dryden, 66, was killed by four men who boarded their boat late Saturday while it was anchored in Lake Izabal.
"They poked us and stabbed us with the machetes, and they were asking for money, specifically dollars," said Dryden, who was listed in stable condition at a hospital in the lakeside town of Morales.
The thieves were apparently unhappy with the take. "We had a few quetzales (Guatemala's currency), but we had no dollars with us on the boat," Dryden recounted.
The Drydens, who are retired and live near Anchorage, Alaska, had bought the boat in February. They were equipping the vessel in preparation for a voyage into the Caribbean and eventually to the eastern coast of the United States.
Dryden said the four assailants may have reached the boat by swimming from shore and brandished long machetes that "seemed liked curved swords."
After assaulting the couple, the men demanded she hand over the keys to the vessel, which has an auxiliary motor. When she didn't _ she was unable to tell whether they wanted the keys to the boat, or a small dinghy the couple used to get to shore _ the men left, also apparently by swimming.
Dryden struggled over to the boat's radio and sent out a distress call. "I said we need help ... I said my husband was not moving," Dryden recalled.
She said she expects her children to arrive in Guatemala Monday and plans to be transferred to the United States for medical care.
Assistant Police Commissioner Luis Say said the attack is being investigated.
Located near Guatemala's Caribbean coast, Lake Izabal is popular among tourists for its jungle scenery and wildlife.
In March, protesting farmers briefly kidnapped four Belgian tourists at Lake Izabal to press for the release of a jailed activist. They were released unharmed.
Mirror at http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com and http://travel.ullyss.com
US tourist hacked to death in Guatemala
By JUAN CARLOS LLORCA,Associated Press Writer AP - Monday, August 11
GUATEMALA CITY - Robbers armed with machetes hacked a U.S. tourist to death and seriously wounded his wife in an attack aboard the couple's sailboat in northeastern Guatemala, the woman told The Associated Press on Sunday.
In a telephone interview from her hospital bed, Nancy Dryden, 67, said her husband, Daniel Perry Dryden, 66, was killed by four men who boarded their boat late Saturday while it was anchored in Lake Izabal.
"They poked us and stabbed us with the machetes, and they were asking for money, specifically dollars," said Dryden, who was listed in stable condition at a hospital in the lakeside town of Morales.
The thieves were apparently unhappy with the take. "We had a few quetzales (Guatemala's currency), but we had no dollars with us on the boat," Dryden recounted.
The Drydens, who are retired and live near Anchorage, Alaska, had bought the boat in February. They were equipping the vessel in preparation for a voyage into the Caribbean and eventually to the eastern coast of the United States.
Dryden said the four assailants may have reached the boat by swimming from shore and brandished long machetes that "seemed liked curved swords."
After assaulting the couple, the men demanded she hand over the keys to the vessel, which has an auxiliary motor. When she didn't _ she was unable to tell whether they wanted the keys to the boat, or a small dinghy the couple used to get to shore _ the men left, also apparently by swimming.
Dryden struggled over to the boat's radio and sent out a distress call. "I said we need help ... I said my husband was not moving," Dryden recalled.
She said she expects her children to arrive in Guatemala Monday and plans to be transferred to the United States for medical care.
Assistant Police Commissioner Luis Say said the attack is being investigated.
Located near Guatemala's Caribbean coast, Lake Izabal is popular among tourists for its jungle scenery and wildlife.
In March, protesting farmers briefly kidnapped four Belgian tourists at Lake Izabal to press for the release of a jailed activist. They were released unharmed.
Mirror at http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com and http://travel.ullyss.com
Tuesday, July 22, 2008
Travel News : Royal Balinese Funeral 2008
Ubud Journal
At Royal Balinese Funeral, Bodies Burn and Souls Fly
UBUD, Indonesia — In a roar of orange flame, the body of Agung Suyasa, head of the royal family of Ubud, was reduced to its earthly elements on Tuesday, liberating his soul to fly upward, in a spray of sparks, through the night sky to the heavens.
In the most spectacular royal funeral in Bali in at least three decades, the energy, mysticism and creativity of this Hindu island came together in the mass cremation of three royal figures and 68 commoners.
It was the highest moment — but not the final one — in months and sometimes years of funerary rites as bodies were buried or preserved waiting, according to local belief, for their souls to be freed through cremation.
The bodies of the commoners had waited to join Mr. Suyasa and two other members of his extended family in a royal cremation, although the pyres of the commoners were in a separate location.
All were on a journey of purification and renewal in which, according to Balinese tradition, the soul can return to inhabit a new being, generally a member of the same family, until, once again, it is freed through cremation.
In the coming months, more ceremonies lie ahead, to further cleanse both the soul of the departed and the people left behind.
“None of us is brand new,” said Raka Kerthyasa, the younger half-brother of Mr. Suyasa. Mr. Kerthyasa oversaw the cremation and is now the guardian of the ancient but symbolic royal family. “We are part of the cycle of life,” he said.
That ever-changing cycle may one day claim the cremation rites themselves, and some here say that in the face of a globalizing world, Bali may never again see a cremation ceremony to match this one.
“They’ll have things in the future, but elaborate and grand like this one, I don’t think so,” said I Nyoman Suradnya, an artist, whose older brother was one of the commoners cremated Tuesday.
“Cultures come and go,” he said. “It is just a matter of time. Don’t be afraid of change. There is nothing absolute.”
In that spirit, Tuesday was a day of raucous energy as thousands of volunteer porters in purple shirts carried the giant emblems of the ceremony like armies of ants bearing impossibly large objects.
Hunched under a giant bamboo platform, 200 at a time for 100-yard shifts, the porters bore an 11-ton tower, as tall as a three-story building, that carried the coffin of Mr. Suyasa under a nine-tiered pinnacle.
Whooping and laughing, sometimes breaking into a run, the porters swung the platform crazily from right to left to confuse the spirits.
Along with it came a huge, undulating dragon, terrifying to behold with its bulging eyes and splayed teeth. After that came a giant black, wood bull, hung with gold necklaces, that would serve as the sarcophagus at the cremation.
“Strange as it seems, it is in their cremation ceremonies that the Balinese have their greatest fun,” wrote Miguel Covarrubias in his classic work, “Island of Bali,” published in 1937.
“A cremation is an occasion for gaiety and not for mourning, since it represents the accomplishment of their most sacred duty” to liberate the souls of the dead, he wrote.
For most of the time since Mr. Suyasa died on March 28, his body had been lying embalmed, as if asleep, in his palace. The family brought daily offerings and symbolic meals. Coffee and tea were prepared by the bier. A comb, toothbrush and mirror were kept handy nearby.
On Tuesday, poised between heaven and earth, his white and gold coffin entered the cremation site in the funerary tower, which glided on the backs of its 200 porters as smoothly as if it were on ice.
Porters carried the coffin down a soaring white chute, then paraded it three times around the waiting bull, trailed by men and women with pyramids of offerings on their heads.
On the crematory platform, the hollow back of the bull was opened and the body was placed inside, its final stop on its earthly journey. A second, smaller bull stood by its side holding the body of another royal relative, Gede Raka.
The sun was sinking as the back of the giant bull was closed and the crematory plaza, packed with thousands of onlookers, twinkled with the flashes of cameras.
Suddenly bright shoots of flame appeared under the belly of the bull, quickly caught the gold necklaces and traveled upward. Smoke seemed to pour from its nostrils and flames shot from its eyes. Its curved horns and ears were on fire.
As the bull fell away, the iron bars that formed its frame remained, and within them hung the burning skeleton, its skull tilted downward, its right foot spurting flames.
Acting with ritual disrespect for the now-useless body, workers poked and prodded at it with long bamboo poles to stoke the fire, and it swayed slightly in the flames.
The body disintegrated into its five earthly elements: earth, wind, water, fire and ether. Its soul disappeared into the night sky.
One of Mr. Suyasa’s sons, Indrayana, sat on the ground nearby, dressed in ritual gold, holding his hands in prayer toward his father. Then, fire to fire, he put a match to a cigarette, looked up, and inhaled.
-end
Photos at http://www.boston.com/bigpicture/2008/07/a_royal_farewell_in_bali.html
Last Tuesday, on the island of Bali, the head of the royal family of Ubud named Agung Suyasa was laid to rest in a rare, spectacular Royal Funeral - the largest in decades. Suyasa, two other members the royal family, and 68 commoners were cremated in a large Hindu ceremony - their bodies having been previously preserved, awaiting cremation, which is traditionally believed to free their souls for future reincarnation. (13 photos total)
Balinese men prepare a giant bull sarcophagus in which a deceased member of the Ubud royal family will be cremated before the cremation ceremony Tuesday July 15, 2008 in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia. Balinese royalty and dozens of other prominent Balinese from Ubud were cremated Tuesday in a rare and elaborate ceremony for deceased royals. (AP Photo/Ed Wray)
Balinese men prepare to lift a giant bull in which a deceased member of the Ubud royal family will be cremated during the funeral procession Tuesday July 15, 2008, in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Ed Wray)
Thousands of people join the procession prior to the Balinese royals cremation ceremony in Ubud, Bali on July 15, 2008. The remains of two Balinese royals were cremated before some 250,000 loyal subjects after being carried through this hillside town in huge spinning pyres representing the universe. (BAY ISMOYO/AFP/Getty Images)
Balinese dancers perform during a procession of Pelebon or The Royal Cremation Ceremony in Ubud, on the Indonesian island of Bali, July 13, 2008. The bodies head of Ubud Royal family Tjokorda Gde Agung Suyasa, his nephew Tjokorda Raka, his aunt Desak Raka, and 68 Ubud villagers will be cremated on July 15. The cremation ceremony is a ritual, believed by locals, to send the dead to their next lives. (REUTERS/Beawiharta)
People carry the black bull sarcophagus and a tower prior to the Balinese royals cremation ceremony in Ubud, Bali ilsand on July 15, 2008. (BAY ISMOYO/AFP/Getty Images)
Men play "sulings", traditional music instruments, during the procession of Pelebon or The Royal Cremation Ceremony in Ubud, on the Indonesian island of Bali, July 14, 2008. (REUTERS/Beawiharta)
People welcome and watch the black bull sarcophagus en route to the Balinese royals cremation ceremony in Ubud, Bali on July 15, 2008. (BAY ISMOYO/AFP/Getty Images)
People carry a bull sarcophagus during a procession of Pelebon or The Royal Cremation Ceremony in Ubud, on the Indonesian island of Bali, July 13, 2008. (REUTERS/Beawiharta)
Balinese men walk away after setting alight a giant bull in which a deceased member of the Ubud royal family is cremated in during the funeral ceremony Tuesday July 15, 2008, in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia. Balinese royalty and dozens of other prominent Balinese from Ubud were cremated Tuesday in a rare and elaborate ceremony for deceased royals.(AP Photo/Ed Wray)
A bull sarcophagus in which a member of the Ubud royal family was cremated burns during the funeral ceremony Tuesday July 15, 2008 in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Ed Wray)
Black bull sarcophagi are set alight during the cremation of two Balinese royals in Ubud, Bali island on July 15, 2008. (BAY ISMOYO/AFP/Getty Images)
A black bull sarcophagus is set alight during the cremation of two Balinese royals in Ubud on Bali island on July 15, 2008. (BAY ISMOYO/AFP/Getty Images)
A Balinese man attends a cremation fire as the last bit of a mythical dragon known as a Naga is burning during a ceremony for a deceased member of the Ubud royal family on Tuesday July 15, 2008 in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Ed Wray)
Mirror site http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com/2008/07/22/travel-news-royal-balinese-funeral-2008/
http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com/
Sunday, July 20, 2008
Seen : The Great Anti-Social Train Travel
Subtitle : A individual capsule train form design
I like the concept of travelling alone without having to deal with crappy passengers with bad attitude, bad body odours, noise, passengers having no sense of personal space.
Hamit Kanuni Kuralkan, an Australian designer took 5 weeks to come up with this futuristic concept of Personal Rapid Transit -individual train compartments.
Apart from some design flaws, this is a great concept where each passenger would have their own personal space in individual capsules without the hassle of dealing with other passengers and their idiosyncrasies.
Some issues such as toilets, claustrophobia and problems arising from long distance travel need to be worked out.
mirror site
http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com/2008/07/20/seen-the-great-anti-social-train-travel/
http://travel.ullyss.com
http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com
I like the concept of travelling alone without having to deal with crappy passengers with bad attitude, bad body odours, noise, passengers having no sense of personal space.
Hamit Kanuni Kuralkan, an Australian designer took 5 weeks to come up with this futuristic concept of Personal Rapid Transit -individual train compartments.
Apart from some design flaws, this is a great concept where each passenger would have their own personal space in individual capsules without the hassle of dealing with other passengers and their idiosyncrasies.
Some issues such as toilets, claustrophobia and problems arising from long distance travel need to be worked out.
mirror site
http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com/2008/07/20/seen-the-great-anti-social-train-travel/
http://travel.ullyss.com
http://ihavetravellust.wordpress.com
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